The LGBT Situation and Their Rights in Bangladesh: Struggles in a Conservative Society

By Abu Rahat Murshed Kabir, 28 December 2025

The situation for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals in Bangladesh remains one of the most hostile in South Asia as of November 2025. Same-sex sexual activity is criminalized under colonial-era law, there are no legal protections against discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity, and societal attitudes rooted in religious conservatism, patriarchal norms, and cultural taboos create an environment of pervasive stigma, harassment, violence, and forced secrecy. While the 2013 administrative recognition of hijra (a traditional South Asian third-gender category) as a distinct gender offered limited visibility and some welfare benefits to certain transgender individuals, this recognition has not translated into meaningful legal or social equality for the broader LGBT community. In fact, hijras themselves continue to face severe marginalization, police abuse, and exclusion from most spheres of public life.

The post-August 2024 political transition—following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government and the installation of an interim administration under Muhammad Yunus—has created new uncertainties. While the interim period has seen some symbolic gestures toward inclusivity, the simultaneous rise of Islamist political influence, moral policing, and vigilante activity has heightened fears among LGBT people that any progress could be reversed or that public visibility could become even more dangerous. This blog provides a comprehensive examination of the historical context, current legal framework, patterns of discrimination and violence, key incidents up to November 2025, advocacy efforts, societal attitudes, international perspectives, and reasoned pathways forward, explaining why meaningful LGBT rights in Bangladesh remain elusive despite global human rights norms.

Historical Context: Colonial Inheritance Meets Post-Independence Conservatism

The criminalization of same-sex relations in Bangladesh traces directly to Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code of 1860, which was inherited from British colonial rule and retained after independence in 1971 and the separation from Pakistan in 1971. The section reads:

“Whoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any man, woman or animal, shall be punished with imprisonment for life, or with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years, and shall also be liable to fine.”

The phrase “carnal intercourse against the order of nature” has been interpreted by courts in the region (including Bangladesh) to include consensual anal and oral sex between adults of the same sex. While prosecutions under Section 377 are relatively rare in Bangladesh compared to neighboring countries, the provision’s mere existence creates a permanent legal threat, enables blackmail, police extortion, and justifies harassment and violence by both state and non-state actors.

Culturally, Bengali society has long maintained a complex relationship with gender and sexuality. Historical records show the presence of hijra communities—individuals assigned male at birth who adopt feminine gender expression and often perform traditional roles in weddings, births, and religious ceremonies. These communities were granted limited social space in pre-colonial and early post-colonial Bangladesh, but this tolerance never extended to modern concepts of lesbian, gay, or bisexual identity. Same-sex desire was either rendered invisible, pathologized as a “Western disease,” or subsumed under religious prohibitions against “sodomy” (liwāt in Islamic jurisprudence).

After independence, the secular constitution of 1972 did not explicitly address sexual orientation or gender identity. Subsequent military regimes (1975–1990) and the rise of political Islam in the 1980s–1990s further entrenched conservative social norms. The declaration of Islam as the state religion in 1988 reinforced the view that sexual morality must align with dominant interpretations of Islamic teachings, which generally condemn homosexual acts.

The early 2010s saw the first tentative steps toward visibility. In 2013, the government issued a gazette notification recognizing hijra as a third gender for purposes of national identity documents, education quotas, and some welfare schemes. This was a landmark decision, but implementation has been inconsistent, and the recognition has not been extended to cover gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals or to transgender people who do not identify within the traditional hijra framework.

Current Legal Framework (as of November 2025)

As of November 2025, Bangladesh remains one of only a handful of countries that still criminalize consensual adult same-sex sexual activity.

• Section 377 Penal Code 1860 — still in force and unamended. While direct prosecutions are infrequent, the law is used to justify arrests, extortion, and forced “confessions” under duress.
• No anti-discrimination legislation — There is no constitutional or statutory protection against discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity in employment, education, housing, healthcare, or public services.
• No recognition of same-sex unions — Marriage, civil partnerships, and adoption rights are unavailable to same-sex couples.
• No hate-crime or hate-speech protections — Violence motivated by anti-LGBT bias is not recognized as an aggravating factor in sentencing.
• Gender identity documentation — The 2013 hijra recognition allows some transgender individuals to obtain ID cards marked with an “E” (for eunuch/third gender). However, many transgender people report bureaucratic obstacles, forced medical examinations, and social stigma when attempting to use these documents. Trans men and non-binary individuals have virtually no pathway to legal gender recognition.

The interim government has not signaled any intention to repeal Section 377 or introduce LGBT-inclusive reforms. In fact, statements from some advisors and rising Islamist political actors have emphasized “traditional family values,” signaling continued hostility.

Patterns of Discrimination and Violence

LGBT individuals in Bangladesh face interlocking forms of discrimination:

1. Family rejection and forced marriage — Many young LGBT people are forced into heterosexual marriages to “cure” their orientation or to preserve family honor. Refusal can lead to disownment, physical violence, or being confined at home.
2. Police harassment and extortion — Section 377 is frequently used as a pretext for blackmail. Police often demand bribes from gay men caught in cruising areas or through dating apps. Transgender individuals report routine police brutality, sexual assault in custody, and forced labor.
3. Healthcare discrimination — LGBT people, especially transgender individuals, face denial of care, invasive questioning, and unethical “conversion” practices in some clinics.
4. Employment and education barriers — Openly LGBT individuals are frequently fired, denied jobs, or expelled from educational institutions.
5. Vigilante and mob violence — Moral policing by local religious groups, student wings of Islamist parties, and neighborhood vigilantes has increased since mid-2024. Public shaming, beatings, and in extreme cases, killings have been reported.
6. Online harassment and doxxing — Dating apps, Facebook groups, and private chats are monitored by both police and private individuals. Leaked photos and personal information often lead to real-world violence.

Data up to November 2025 remains fragmentary due to under-reporting, but human rights organizations document a consistent pattern of abuse. The 2025 Human Rights Watch World Report noted continued criminalization and social hostility, while local LGBT networks report increased fear since the political transition.

Key Incidents and Developments (up to November 2025)

• 2016 – Murder of Xulhaz Mannan and Mahbub Rabbi Tonoy Xulhaz Mannan, founder of Bangladesh’s first LGBT magazine Roopbaan and organizer of the first Pride events (held privately), was hacked to death along with his friend in Dhaka. The attack was claimed by Ansar al-Islam, an Al-Qaeda affiliate. This remains the most high-profile anti-LGBT killing in modern Bangladesh history.
• 2023–2024 – Crackdowns on private gatherings Several private LGBT parties and safe-house gatherings were raided or disrupted, with participants facing blackmail or arrest.
• Post-August 2024 – Increased moral policing After the fall of the Hasina government, reports of vigilante groups harassing individuals perceived as LGBT increased, especially in urban areas. Some Islamist student organizations publicly called for stricter enforcement of “Islamic morality.”
• November 2025 – Ongoing climate of fear While no major new high-profile murders were reported in late 2025, activists describe a sustained atmosphere of caution. Private LGBT WhatsApp and Telegram groups have become smaller and more encrypted. Several activists have gone into hiding or left the country.

Advocacy Efforts and Visibility

Despite the risks, small but resilient advocacy efforts continue:

• Roopbaan (magazine and community network) — operated underground after 2016.
• Boys of Bangladesh — one of the oldest informal LGBT networks, providing peer support and safety advice.
• Transgender activism — some hijra leaders have leveraged the 2013 recognition to advocate for better implementation of welfare schemes, though many criticize the process as tokenistic.
• Diaspora activism — Bangladeshi LGBT individuals in the UK, Canada, Australia, and the US have formed support networks and lobby international organizations.
• International attention — ILGA, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and OutRight Action International regularly document the situation and call for decriminalization.

Public Pride events remain impossible; the closest equivalents are small, private gatherings held in secret locations with heavy security precautions.

International Perspectives and Comparisons

Bangladesh’s position contrasts sharply with neighboring India, where Section 377 was read down by the Supreme Court in 2018 (Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India), and with Nepal, which has recognized third-gender identity on passports and held public Pride events. Pakistan, while still criminalizing same-sex acts, has seen greater visibility for transgender rights through court judgments and media representation.

At the UN level, Bangladesh has consistently opposed resolutions that explicitly mention sexual orientation and gender identity. During the Universal Periodic Review cycles, recommendations to decriminalize same-sex relations and protect LGBT people have been noted but not accepted.

Logical Pathways Forward

Meaningful progress requires simultaneous movement on multiple fronts:

1. Decriminalization — Repeal or judicial reinterpretation of Section 377 is the foundational step. Without it, all other rights remain illusory.
2. Anti-discrimination legislation — Explicit protections in employment, education, housing, and healthcare.
3. Gender recognition reform — Expand legal gender recognition beyond the hijra framework to include binary transgender people and non-binary individuals.
4. Police and judicial training — End impunity for harassment and extortion.
5. Public education — Long-term campaigns to reduce stigma, though this is politically difficult in the current climate.
6. International pressure — Tied aid, trade preferences, and UN mechanisms can create leverage.

Logically, Bangladesh cannot claim to be a modern, rights-respecting democracy while maintaining colonial-era criminalization and denying basic protections to a significant minority of its citizens. Decriminalization would align the country with global human rights standards without requiring immediate cultural transformation.

Conclusion

As of November 2025, LGBT individuals in Bangladesh continue to live in a state of profound vulnerability. The law criminalizes their most intimate relationships, society largely rejects their existence, and the state offers no meaningful protection. While the hijra recognition of 2013 was a symbolic step, it has not been matched by broader reforms, and the political transition since 2024 has created new fears rather than new opportunities.

Yet small acts of courage—private support networks, encrypted online communities, diaspora advocacy, and quiet acts of solidarity—persist. The struggle for LGBT rights in Bangladesh is not just about legal reform; it is about whether the country can move beyond a narrow, religiously defined vision of morality toward one that respects individual dignity and autonomy. Until Section 377 is repealed and discrimination prohibited, Bangladesh will remain one of the most repressive environments in the world for LGBT people.